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Empirical Approaches to Career Transitions Most studies on career transitions and concomitant changes in athletes are concerned with career termination and its consequences, and only a very limited number of studies are dedicated to other transition experiences Here we consider the methodological approaches on career transitions and the main research results on transitions during athletic careers Afterward, we summarize the literature on career termination and transition to the postcareer Definitionally, a transition involves a developmental aspect Methodologically, therefore, one might anticipate the use of longitudinal designs Unfortunately, these designs have only rarely been employed Instead, retrospective and cross-sectional analyses dominate the literature Taken as a whole, studies on career transitions use a great variety of methodologies in data assessment and design Quantitative methods, such as questionnaires and standardized scales, usually done with somewhat larger samples, are as popular as qualitative methods, such as indepth interviews and case studies.

With quantitative methods, it is easier to compare the data with other athletes or comparison groups and to draw conclusions about similarities and differences With qualitative methods, the individual experiences and inner feelings may be assessed in greater detail, but very often at the expense of larger samples and comparability Both kinds of methods contribute to a rich knowledge base on psychological foundations and effects of career termination and, to a lesser degree, on career transitions..

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STRESS AND DISEASE Perhaps the oldest questions at the interface of behavioral and biomedical science involve long-suspected effects of stress, emotion, and other aspects of mind on physiological changes, disease, and other important outcomes of the body (McMahon, 1976); Effects of stress, emotion, social relations, and other risk and resilience factors on disease certainly were central in the emergence of health psychology and behavioral medicine, as they were in the earlier eld of psychosomatic medicine. A broad array of rapidly evolving methods is brought to bear on such questions, producing increasingly speci c and scienti cally compelling answers. The basic model guiding this area of research holds that characteristics of people (e.g., emotions, personality traits) and aspects of the environment (e.g., social networks, job stress) can affect the pathophysiology of disease. In general, these effects are believed to occur through the intervening effects of physiological changes associated with stress and emotion (Lovallo, 1997). Of course, these same characteristics of people and their environments could in uence disease through the pathway of health behavior or lifestyle, as described previously. For example, social support could reduce one s risk of heart disease because it attenuates physiological stress responses that would otherwise accelerate atherosclerosis, or because it encourages better health behavior (e.g., a more prudent diet, less alcohol consumption, and more frequent exercise). Hence, this alternative explanation must be addressed in many studies of these more direct psychobiological in uences on disease (Adler & Matthews, 1994; Cohen & Rodriguez, 1995; Smith & Gallo, 2001). Several types of research comprise this general topic in health psychology. Psychosocial epidemiology relates personality or social-environmental risk factors to health outcomes. This work is of necessity observational and nonexperimental in nature, and therefore provides evidence of associations

in severity and chronic (i.e., dysthymia) or severe in intensity and of shorter duration (i.e., major depression). Someone may falsely report being depressed in order to get medical attention (e.g., Munchausen s syndrome) or to obtain some other type of secondary gain (e.g., obtain sympathy and attention from loved ones, staying home from work). Furthermore, many people who are depressed express their feelings through somatic complaints and do not consciously recognize their depression. Numerous factors in the environment may also lead to depression (e.g., loss of job or a loved one). How can the psychologist sort out all the available data and make judgments regarding diagnosis and treatment planning Psychologists must examine all the pieces of the puzzle and then make sense of them. Their theoretical framework, prior experience, clinical training, and intuitions all come into play. Clinicians do not put all of the data into a formula or computer program and get a fully objective answer to their questions. However, much research suggests that clinical judgments can be unreliable and invalid (Dawes, 1994; D. Faust, 1986; Lilienfeld et al., 2000; Meehl, 1954, 1965; Mischel, 1986; J. Wood et al., 2000) not only in psychology but in medicine and other fields (Sanchez & Kahn, 1991). Others have criticized this research, stating that these studies are flawed and do not reflect the types of decisions typically made by practicing clinicians (Garb, 1988, 1989; Lambert & Wertheimer, 1988). Efforts are often made to increase the

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